When
it comes to the legislature, one recent example of a liberal’s expansive,
intrusive reach is Sen. Elizabeth Warren’s proposal to ensnare corporate
executives in the criminal justice system.
According to this NACDL news release, her Corporate Executive
Accountability Act (here) would convict a defendant without a mens rea
requirement (guilty mind, intent, knowledge, etc.) and by the lower, civil
burden of proof known as the preponderance of the evidence standard.
Kudos
to NACDL on its stance. First, it
contends, a criminal conviction requires proof beyond a reasonable doubt. And second, conviction for a crime “requires
both a criminal act and criminal intent, nothing less. NACDL is committed to
ensuring that this principle remains vital whether the matter concerns conduct
in the street or conduct in the C-suite."
I’m
not sure what a C-suite is. (Wouldn’t it
be the E-suite for executive suite?) Nonetheless,
while corporate executives still—at least for the moment—enjoy the protection
of a high burden of proof and the mens rea requirement, those two
safeguards have already been decimated in the state of Wisconsin .
Let’s
start with the mens rea requirement.
Wisconsin has numerous
crimes for which a person can be convicted without any criminal intent. They range from disorderly conduct (no intent
required; an actual disturbance is not even required) to the life-ruining third-degree sexual assault (knowledge of complaining witness’s lack of consent not an
element) to the life-obliterating, strict-liability sexual assault of a child (even
the child’s affirmative misrepresentation of age combined with defendant’s
reasonable belief child was an adult is not a defense). There is also an array of other strict
liability crimes, as well as negligence-based crimes and recklessness-based
crimes. Mens rea is out the window.
Second,
the burden of proof is only as formidable as the judge’s instruction to the
jury. Wisconsin ’s
pattern jury instruction explains reasonable doubt in ways that lower the
burden of proof. (See this article for
these defects.) Then it concludes by
telling the jury “not to search for doubt,” but instead “to search for the
truth.”
Many
courts, including the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals, have warned that telling
the jury “to search for the truth” implies the lower preponderance of evidence
standard. Even worse is Wisconsin ’s
mandate “not to search for doubt.” As a
Washington Court of Appeals noted, “The question for any jury is whether the
burden of proof has been carried by the party who bears it. In a criminal case
. . . [t]he jury cannot discern whether that has occurred without examining
the evidence for reasonable doubt.” And
telling the jury not to search for doubt “impermissibly portray[s] the
reasonable doubt standard as a defense tool for hiding the truth . . .”
Not
only is that sound, logical legal reasoning, but Wisconsin’s jury instruction defects have twice been empirically
tested (here and here). The results in controlled experiments were as expected: when you define reasonable doubt, and then tell the jury not to search for doubt but to search for truth instead, conviction rates rise. This issue of
Wisconsin ’s unconstitutional,
burden-lowering jury instruction has also been litigated at the trial court
level throughout the state, and it is now pending before the state supreme
court (here).
NACDL
is right to oppose the hyper-liberal democrat’s legislation; the white-collar
types among us deserve the same constitutional protections as everyone else. However, while NACDL admirably seeks
to preserve the mens rea requirement and the high burden of proof for
corporate executives, Wisconsin ’s
criminal defendants lost those important protections a long time ago.
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